Nuclear Deterrence in a Multipolar World
Italian firefighters dressed in chemical, biological, radiological (CBR) suits set up a perimeter of warning signs
Because of the existence of nuclear weapons, the superpower rivalry in the Cold War was either played out in the proxy wars of the Developing World or kept in check by nuclear deterrence.
From an American perspective, this form of deterrence represented a next-step change in strategic thinking. As Bernard Brodie wrote early in the Cold War, the chief purpose of American arms was no longer to win wars but instead to avert them. Seen in this light, the arms race that developed between the United States and its allies and the Soviet Union needed to be risky enough to deter aggressive behavior, but not so risky that it precipitated war. This need, in turn, prompted the likes of William Kaufmann and John Lewis Gaddis to define nuclear deterrence as a form of coercion that rests upon a shifting mix of capability, survivability and intent.
With the end of the Cold War, however, a debate arose over whether traditional nuclear deterrence still had a place in what was now a unipolar world. Indeed, as the RAND Corporation later reported, many analysts saw the 9/11 attacks as the death knell of deterrence. In their eyes, organized violence had become privatized and was now beyond the reach of conventional and nuclear arms. Such a claim was obviously premature, as our Editorial Plan has repeatedly demonstrated. There were, and there continue to be, emerging powers that conflate their prestige, influence and security with increased military might, to include nuclear arms. Given their presence in the world, the reported death of nuclear deterrence has indeed been greatly exaggerated.
Ah, but what forms of deterrence are we now talking about, critics soon asked. Are they, or do they remain, conceptually valid? Additionally, are the international conventions and regimes that underpinned Cold War nuclear deterrence still ‘fit for purpose’ in a multipolar world?
In order to address these questions (and more), we begin this week by sketching out three alternative nuclear futures that may unfold within today’s multipolar world. This exercise in futurology then sets the scene for Tuesday’s discussion on whether the concept of nuclear deterrence remains viable, either in its traditional or updated guises. Indeed, if nuclear deterrence as we know it is unworkable, what are the alternatives? Grappling with this question then leads us to look at Iran and North Korea. Not only do we chart the progress of their respective nuclear programs, we also consider their motivations for acquiring nuclear weapons. Finally, we conclude our week by asking whether the best way to address today’s thorny deterrence-related problems is to abolish nuclear weapons altogether, assuming of course that such a step is both desirable and possible.
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